20th Ambassadors’ Conference
Affairs (excerpts)
Paris, August 29 , 2012
(…)
At the moment, we are actively engaged in three tension and crisis regions in particular.
SYRIA
- First of all, the Middle East and the Syria tragedy. Particularly since the elections, France has been taking the initiative in Syria on three levels: diplomatic, strategic and humanitarian.
We’re sparing no efforts to support and bring together the opposition, help sketch out a future free, democratic, multifaith Syria and provide aid to people inside the country and to refugees.
We organized the Friends of the Syrian People conference in Paris on 6 July so that the international community’s very broad support for the forces opposing Bashar al-Assad and his clan could be expressed. We’ve taken and are taking concrete measures to help them. Along with the European Union, we’ve adopted sanctions against that criminal regime. President Hollande himself has put a great deal of effort into this, he set out the road map to you on Monday and he’s determined to commit himself fully to this.
Indeed, France is determined to do as much as possible to end the Assad clan’s criminal dominion. It’s clear there can be no solution in Syria as long as it remains in place. Each death in the Syrian conflict is one death too many. The atrocities being committed are an affront to our conscience. At the same time, we must help prepare the post-Bashar period. Hence our support for the opposition, taking care to insist on broad unity and the necessary respect for all communities. We can’t suggest there’s any easy solution to such a complex crisis. Our policy is aimed at weakening Bashar al-Assad’s criminal clan, speeding up his inevitable downfall, supporting the liberated areas in particular and backing a legitimate and representative provisional government, while avoiding as far as possible any regional contagion, particularly to Lebanon.
I myself recently conducted a tour of the region focusing on humanitarian issues; I got an idea both of the frightening tragedies piling up there and of the work of the NGOs, to which I want to pay tribute. Tomorrow I’ll be chairing a meeting of the United Nations Security Council to mobilize the international community, in particular on these humanitarian challenges.
IRAN
Other issues in the region seriously concern us. We’re paying great attention to the situation in Iran. That great country has the right, in accordance with the international treaties, to acquire civilian nuclear capabilities, but its possession of a nuclear weapon would, among other things, pose the unacceptable risk of proliferation and of the whole region’s nuclearization. With this in mind, we’re conducting a simultaneous policy of sanctions and discussions with it, as yet with no major results. Active vigilance is more necessary than ever.
MIDDLE EAST
As for the Israeli-Palestinian issue, it’s still the source of many conflicts. France would like the peace process to be revived. Our goal is still the creation of an independent, viable, peaceful Palestinian state and to guarantee Israel’s security. With this in mind, we’re maintaining close contact with both Israel and the Palestinians.
AFGHANISTAN
With regard to Afghanistan, our commitment is moving from a military presence to civilian cooperation, with the departure of our combat troops – to whom I want to pay tribute – and the ratification of the friendship treaty between our two countries. We want to help Afghanistan along the path of stability, development and democracy, and prevent that country becoming a breeding ground for terrorism again.
SAHEL/AFRICA
- Mali and the Sahel. With the Sahel-Mali crisis – less spectacular but also a threat – a major source of instability is being created not very far from our own borders, with terrorist groups themselves declaring they regard France and Europe as their enemy. The combination of the Malian state’s weakness and the establishment of an area controlled by terrorist groups, strengthened by flows of weapons, fighters and drugs, has seriously destabilized Mali and is, more broadly, threatening the whole of West Africa.
We don’t intend to usurp the role of the Africans themselves. We’ll support Mali’s efforts to rebuild herself, as well as those of the countries of the region in the framework of ECOWAS and the African Union, within the legal framework set by the United Nations, to deploy an African military force if necessary, when the time comes. We’re committed along with the EU to supporting development and the forces of the countries in the region. But one thing must be clear: there’s no question of making deals with terrorists.
The Mali crisis demands particular vigilance from all the states in the region and from all our diplomatic posts. It’s not only diplomatic, humanitarian and economic in nature. It’s also manifested in the threat hanging over our citizens, who are sometimes taken hostage. By “us” I mean our posts, companies and fellow citizens, who must take extra precautions in view of these risks.
The Sahel crisis mustn’t make us forget the long-term trends in Africa. Despite areas of tension, Africa is a continent of the future: overall economic growth there is sustained, the middle classes are developing and direct foreign investment has increased eightfold in as many years. The demographical transition is under way and, with some exceptions, democratization is going ahead. Africa is a crucial economic and cultural partner and a huge market on our doorstep. It can be said that we’re building a shared future with Africa. Europe must be an ally of Africa, supporting better regulated globalization that enables it to develop sustainably. In short, the normalization of our relations with Africa is a necessity. (…)
EU/ECONOMY/ENERGY/DEFENCE/NEIGHBOURHOOD/DEVELOPMENT AID
- The European Union. The crisis has been and is still putting Europe through a harsh ordeal. It’s revealed the weaknesses and incoherence of unbalanced European integration: on the one hand a single currency, the euro, and on the other economic, fiscal, financial and political structures unsuited to handling it in a stable, mutually supportive and lasting way. For us, it’s about both resolving the current deadlock and building tomorrow’s Europe.
With this in mind, Bernard Cazeneuve, Minister Delegate for European Affairs, and I are pursuing the goal of greater monetary, economic and financial effectiveness. The European Council of 28-29 June, broadly at France’s initiative, gave a new boost to growth policy. We subscribe to fiscal discipline goals balanced by growth policy: that’s the purpose of the ratification of the Fiscal Compact that will be submitted to Parliament in a few weeks’ time, with all the elements of the “package” adopted at the end of June: the growth pact, reinforced solidarity mechanisms, banking supervision and the financial transaction tax.
The initial steps forward made at the European Council at the end of June will have to be implemented and built upon. We intend acting in a number of areas: overcoming the sovereign debt crisis, returning to strong, sustainable growth, and improving EU governance. In the immediate term, the Greek crisis hasn’t yet been resolved. France’s position is clear: we want the Euro Area’s integrity to be preserved. To that end, it’s necessary to continue supporting that country so it can get out of debt; but it has the responsibility to carry out the necessary reforms, particularly fiscal reforms.
Furthermore, we’d like a banking union to be introduced, with a deposit guarantee fund and crisis resolution mechanisms, in addition to the supervision that’s been established. We also think it’s crucial to move towards real financial cohesion to enable us – in exchange for increased coordination of national budgets – to strengthen solidarity through the eventual introduction of eurobonds. We must also provide ourselves with the means to launch joint projects capable of supporting our growth, in the fields of research, innovation, sustainable development and infrastructure. With this in mind, the EU must create own resources, particularly through the financial transaction tax. All this means enhanced democratic control, while ensuring the power of parliaments is guaranteed. President Hollande has spoken of “mutually supportive integration” to sum up our overall approach.
European cooperation in the energy field will be a major focus of our proposals. France – and our ministry in particular – is currently working on this project, which will concern supplies, clean and future energy sources and the savings to be made in terms of consumption. In this crucial field, we must join forces with those of our neighbours who are willing, as our predecessors did more than 50 years ago for coal and steel.
In terms of European policy, the Franco-German relationship is obviously fundamental. At the beginning of next year, we’ll be celebrating the 50th anniversary of the Elysée Treaty. This partnership is decisive; it must be balanced and not exclusive. This means we are and will be working harmoniously with Spain, Italy and all the others to overcome the Euro Area crisis. We’ll act in particular with Poland and Germany in the framework of the Weimar Triangle, to develop Defence Europe, without forgetting our defence cooperation with Britain. In the analysis he’ll soon be issuing, the [former foreign minister Hubert] Védrine report will revisit certain aspects of our defence and our strategy in relation to NATO.
Europe’s neighbourhood will, due to its proximity and the closeness of our ties with it, occupy a major place in our diplomatic action. In the context of the Arab revolutions, the vision of a vast Euro-Mediterranean area of cooperation, growth and freedom is a positive medium- and long-term prospect. We’ll work to revive the Euro-Mediterranean process. We have good tools for moving forward: the Union for the Mediterranean Secretariat, the 5+5 and the Deauville Partnership. Rather than initiating new institutional debates, it will, above all, be a question of working on concrete projects in variable-geometry partnerships.
Still on the neighbourhood, we’ve normalized our relations with Turkey, who is a major player on the borders of Europe and Asia. We must also strive to establish the parameters of a more constructive relationship – unaggressive but not naïve – with Russia.
Europe, the main donor, plays a leading role in development aid, as a lever on dictatorial regimes – I’m thinking particularly of the sanctions policy that bore fruit in Burma – and in terms of high-level political dialogue, particularly on the Iranian nuclear issue. This European action will be consolidated. (…)
FRENCH DIPLOMACY/INFLUENCE
There’s been talk, in relation to various countries, of soft power, hard power and smart power. To explain France’s unique situation, I’m happy to talk about influential power. Our country intends to be an influential power.
Indeed, France is one of the handful of countries capable of significantly acting in and influencing the global arena. (…)
But our assets must be valued if we want our country to be able to preserve and even improve its international stature in the interest of our fellow citizens themselves. To that end, a clear vision of the world and its changes is needed. President Hollande has set out our priorities. Asia, its new giants – China and India – and its established powers, such as Japan, carries and will carry growing weight, as will the large emerging countries on other continents, such as Brazil: they’re central to our priorities. In addition to the first series of emerging countries that are experiencing high growth rates, we’ll be paying close attention to the new emerging countries of Latin America, Asia, Africa and the Middle East: in particular South Africa, Indonesia, Vietnam, Colombia, Mexico, Turkey and a few others, and, in a different way, Australia – I’m not drawing up a list of medal winners –, who are joining the “global middle class” and represent as many prospects and new markets. Without in any way downplaying our absolutely essential relations of friendship and cooperation with the United States – with whom, to use the right expression, we’re allies without being aligned – we have to build close relationships with these new partners.
Our diplomacy of influence requires strong action to support our country’s educational, scientific, cultural and linguistic reach. That in particular is the mission of our cultural, scientific and educational cooperation network. (…)
The international institutions are also clearly a key area of influence, whether it be the UN and its agencies, the G8/G20, the OECD, the financial or the regional institutions. (…) Regarding the United Nations, France supports, as you know, a reform of the Security Council to enable this major body to take better account of the new realities and the need to broaden the frameworks in which the world’s affairs are managed. This reform is difficult, but we’ll legitimize our own status by initiating proposals.
Another essential dimension of our influence is the implementation and honouring of our principles. In her unique message, France promotes universal values that she upholds in international crisis situations, in all international forums and in her bilateral relations. We’re doing this in particular in relation to the Arab Spring, where we are and will be very mindful of human rights, particularly women’s rights, and respect for freedoms. This vigilance is an important factor in our identity and our influence with many peoples. So every two years, we’ll dedicate ourselves to a great international cause. In 2012-2013, it’ll be the worldwide repeal of the death penalty. I ask you to play an active role in this cause in each of your embassies, through the most effectively adapted initiatives.
In addition to these major areas, I’d like this ministry and all its officials to acquire or develop what I’ll call the “economic reflex” and the “francophone reflex”.
ECONOMIC DIPLOMACY
- Economic diplomacy. Economic diplomacy – which is also environmental – is the direct contribution we can make to the requirement for economic recovery. We – you – are already doing a lot, and entrepreneurs in general appreciate our efforts. But our considerable foreign trade deficit, the litmus test of our competitiveness, shows we must do more and better. (…)
While a good economy is a key asset for our diplomacy, the latter can be neither limited to nor replaced by it. If GDP alone determined global hierarchies, people would know about it, and the European Union would have political pre-eminence over the United States and China, which none of us has seen recently. A country’s weight isn’t exactly the same thing as its role, but there can’t be a huge gap between the two for long. That’s why the economic priority is a major one.
FRANCOPHONE DIPLOMACY
- Francophone diplomacy. Another long-term priority I want to stress is Francophony. It’s a key area for developing our links with countries and societies that share our language. It’s a crucial trump card. (…)
The French language’s reach is based not on a relationship of domination – some would say imperialism – but on universal values that our language aspires to promote. This common language, a source of values and sharing, is a vehicle for stability and cohesion, tolerance and diversity. It must show itself to be creative and dynamic in order to adapt constantly to the changes in the world. On this basis, an action plan for Francophony will be implemented, in particular by Minister Delegate Yamina Benguigui. President Hollande will come back to this at the forthcoming La Francophonie [international Francophone organization] summit in Kinshasa. (…)
FRENCH EXPATRIATES/CONSULATES
In this context, French nationals abroad are an asset and provide a special opportunity for raising our country’s profile. President Hollande and I want to support them more effectively, particularly by taking better account of their distinct identity and paying special attention to their daily lives. Hélène Conway-Mouret’s work as Minister Delegate for French Nationals Abroad is putting that attention into practice. (…)
Our consular network will also have to be adapted to international challenges and our changing presence in the world. We must improve the quality of our service to the public, modernizing and simplifying certain procedures. Proposals to this effect will be drafted following consultation by Mme Conway by the end of the year.
Finally, the election in 2012, for the first time, of 11 deputies representing French nationals abroad in the National Assembly, alongside the 12 senators and elected representatives in the Assembly of French Nationals Abroad, altered the structure of how our expatriate community is represented. We will have to take account of this new reality. A discussion is being launched to improve democratic representation and simplify the system. Everyone must be involved in this Francophone diplomacy.
DEVELOPMENT DIPLOMACY
Ladies and gentlemen ambassadors,
So there you have a few central objectives which are going to guide our day-to-day action, in conjunction with the road map outlined by the President and the Prime Minister. This is all consistent with a certain way of looking at development in the 21st century. I’ll gladly talk about development diplomacy. It requires better regulated globalization, i.e. one which, among other things, is able to create its own rules to avoid aggravating or rekindling the financial crisis. It requires an imperative of reciprocity and fairness in trade practices, an issue Europe – which has so far been too naïve – must get to grips with more. It requires a sustainable growth model which includes the overall greening of our economies and a cross-cutting consideration of social and environmental imperatives. France must set her sights as high as possible in these areas.
These are the priorities Pascal Canfin, Minister Delegate for Development, will implement with me. France, with her operator, the French Development Agency (AFD), is and will remain a major player in development aid. We want to act as much in terms of quality as quantity. In order to be sustainable, development will have to be geared more to the green economy (clean transport, new energies, water and waste management, town planning etc.), supporting the deployment of excellent French suppliers in this area. It must take environmental and climatic factors into account, because it’s often the least-advanced and emerging countries which are most vulnerable. (…)
FRENCH FOREIGN MINISTRY BUDGET/FUTURE OBJECTIVES
After some difficult years, the Foreign Ministry needs to get its breath back. We will, of course, join in the national effort to save money and reduce public deficits: we shall do so responsibly, in view of the important efforts already agreed. On the basis of the budget decisions, over the next three years our budget is scheduled to be cut by 1% and by 200 jobs each year. This will provide the opportunity for us, with due regard for France’s universal presence, to adapt our tool to our priorities and the realities of today’s and tomorrow’s world, with the aim of improving our influence and effectiveness. This budget will allow us – I’ve emphasized this – to deal with concrete issues, which you and those you work with face every day: guaranteeing our diplomatic sites’ security, improving working conditions – on which the trade unions legitimately insist – and overhauling our information systems. The conditions under which visas are issued will have to be improved, through the creation of jobs in that sector. (…)
Ladies and gentlemen ambassadors,
(…) You aren’t carrying out your duties by accident; you’ve chosen your fine profession. Your skills are recognized. Your tasks are essential. The government and I will treat them as essential.
So you can count on my wholehearted commitment alongside you in this mission, for which I have a passion. Our country, its government and I know we can count on you. Thank you./.